Kakva je situacija sa prilicnim skladisnim kapacitetima bivsih Kemikalija na Zitnjaku, koje je kupio Dioki? Nitko to ovdje ne spominje. U RH nedostaju kapaciteti za obavezne zalihe nafte, a novci za skladistenje su osigurani u cijeni naftnih derivata. Dakle, siguran posao bez rizika!
Kakva je situacija sa prilicnim skladisnim kapacitetima bivsih Kemikalija na Zitnjaku, koje je kupio Dioki? Nitko to ovdje ne spominje. U RH nedostaju kapaciteti za obavezne zalihe nafte, a novci za skladistenje su osigurani u cijeni naftnih derivata. Dakle, siguran posao bez rizika!
tolika je proizvodnja na žitnjaku da nemaju mjesta za druge,osim naftnih derivata,mislim da se koristi petrol njima[thumbsup]
prpa: ” Kakva je situacija sa prilicnim skladisnim kapacitetima bivsih Kemikalija na Zitnjaku, koje je kupio Dioki? Nitko to ovdje ne spominje. U RH nedostaju kapaciteti za obavezne zalihe nafte, a novci za skladistenje su osigurani u cijeni naftnih derivata. Dakle, siguran posao bez rizika! ” tolika je proizvodnja na žitnjaku da nemaju mjesta za druge,osim naftnih derivata,mislim da se koristi petrol njima[thumbsup]
Ja znam da imaju 40 željezničkih cisterni i da su registrirani za željeznički prijevoz, ako se što u međuvremenu, tj zadnjih 10-ak godina nije promjenilo!
Radi se o velikim skladišnim kapacitetima. Točno je pixma naveo o popunjenosti kapaciteta za plin, s tim da jedan dio koristi koliko mi je poznato, Proplin za propan-butan.Petrol sladišti svoje naftne derivate s tim da još ima slobodnog kapaciteta .
Breaking the grip of Gazprom
If the European Union needed a new warning of Russia’s efforts to strengthen its grip on the continent’s gas supplies, it has come in the shape of President Vladimir Putin’s trip to Libya.
During the visit, Gazprom, the state-run gas monopoly, agreed to a wide-ranging joint venture with Libya’s national oil and gas company. Gazprom also revealed it was talking to Italy’s Eni about investing in a new Libya-Italy undersea pipeline and to Nigeria about a trans-Sahara route. The discussions follow talks with Algeria and Qatar and a determined drive to reinforce Russia’s grip on central Asian gas exports.
Even though Mr Putin has spoken openly of a “gas producers’ Opec”, such a cartel is fortunately a remote prospect. Gazprom has so far proved better at announcing than building new pipelines. The controversial Northstream (Baltic Sea) and Southstream (Balkan) routes to the EU have yet to be constructed.
Gazprom’s ambitions make sense even at a purely commercial level. With some 25 per cent of EU gas going through its pipes, it will naturally strive to boost market share, with or without partners. That is what would-be monopolists do. But, for the west, the Kremlin connection adds a disturbing political dimension – Gazprom is the embodiment of Mr Putin’s stated aim to make Russia an energy superpower.
The EU recognises the danger. But its ability to present a united front to Russia is undermined by the repeated willingness of leading states, including Germany, France and Italy, to strike bilateral deals. Gazprom divides and rules.
So what should the EU do? First, it must encourage Gazprom and other Russian gas companies to invest more in new production. The more gas Russia has coming out of the ground, the better for consumers. Next, Brussels must accelerate internal energy market liberalisation so all states benefit from a common energy pool. As well as legal reforms, this needs investment in gas and electricity infrastructure.
Also, union members must reinforce ties with non-Russian suppliers, including Libya and Nigeria. It must redouble efforts to secure new suppliers, notably in the Caspian. The planned Caspian-EU Nabucco route needs finance and committed gas supplies: both might be easier to find if EU states offered more explicit financial support. Finally, the EU must do more to encourage energy saving and energy diversification, backing investments in clean coal, LNG terminals and nuclear power. With EU gas output declining, there is no time to waste.
There is no need to demonise Russia. Moscow is unlikely to use its dominance to cut off the EU. It depends on gas revenues even more than the union depends on its gas. But a stronger market position allows the Kremlin to seek higher prices and better terms – and to exert political influence, particularly in eastern Europe where dependence on Russian gas is highest. The only effective EU response is a unified, multi-headed and flexible approach to energy security. It is perhaps the biggest contribution the union could make to Europe’s economic well-being.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2008
Pošto su se istesli paničari, pogotovo onaj sa 194 kom.,sada možemo u oporavak kao i cijelo TK danas.
pa koliko to jos panicara ima u ovoj dionici.
pa koliko to jos panicara ima u ovoj dionici.
Izgleda još uvijek previše,mada radnici koji ne mogu čekati prodaju iz straha da opet ne potonu previše,a znamo nabavnu cijenu,prema tome…
Eh da,Filipović se riješio 4513 komada,a VABA kupila točno toliko,vrlo zanimljivo[wink]
Europa u crvenom. Eto zašto.
Eh da,Filipović se riješio 4513 komada,a VABA kupila točno toliko,vrlo zanimljivo
Nisi razmišljao da se radi o MARGIN kreditu i da su dionice samo prebačene na skrbništvo![wink]
Eh da,Filipović se riješio 4513 komada,a VABA kupila točno toliko,vrlo zanimljivo Nisi razmišljao da se radi o MARGIN kreditu i da su dionice samo prebačene na skrbništvo![wink]
Jasno ko dan da MF nešto kupuje kreditom. Pa takav promet nije zabilježen u 5 radnih dana.
Po predviđanju ,tržište mic po mic se oporavlja, na Dioki-u nema više po bidu, tko želi mora po asku.[thumbsup]